The CNN / YouTube Republican Debate

The CNN / YouTube Debates - The Republicans

Tune in LIVE on CNN / YouTube

@ Wednesday, Nov 28th, 8pm EST

Mr. Clean Poem

This is a story about Malaysian society
Where the different races supposedly live in harmony
In 2003, came along a PM by the name of Badawi
Who led his party to a resounding election victory.

This is a PM whose promises are many
All his slogans are equally catchy
As a result, many people are taken in completely
By his humble and Mr. Clean personality.

First among his chief promises is to combat corruption immediately
That has everyone applauding loudly
But until today, all the major cases are still one big mystery
Lack of evidence or is he fooling us secretly?

Not long after, he introduced Islam Hadhari
Some complained there is only one version of Islam from the Almighty
Anyway, what is it all about, no one knows exactly
Except for some broad points outlined in theory.

Then, he said we need to cut our budget deficit quickly
Which started the dismantling of Tun M's legacy
This caused us to hear about the crooked bridge flip flop story
With all the accusations, what is fiction and what is reality?

By his own admission, his son is extremely wealthy
Because he controls a listed company by the name of Scomi
Was once implicated in the shipment of banned components to a Middle Easterncountry
But his son claimed ignorance and that's the end of the story.

He also has a son-in-law by the name of Khairy
Not elected but is UMNO Youth's deputy
Got entangled in the merged Avenue-ECM Libra entity
Which happened right under the nose of the PM-led Finance Ministry.

Then, we came across a foreign newspaper reporting factually
Of his adventure to see a yacht at a faraway place somewhere in Turkey
This is not true, he said insistently
But I don't see the newspaper issuing any apology.

Next, came the jet on the itinerary
Bought or leased, he is lucky that Malaysians are not financially savvy
The jet is also for the Agong's use, he said publicly
I wonder whether the Agong requested for one specifically?

Later, we read of his holidays in an Australian city
Staying in a mansion owned by someone whom an old man named as PatrickBadawi
We shouldn't be so critical if he was only away temporarily
Except for the fact that there was a major flood in our own territory.

Then, we get the case of Proton disposing off a subsidiary
Not for a large amount but for a mere penny
Many think behind the deal something's very fishy
Tun M's pet project is certainly going awry.

Overall, crime rates are going up highly
Confidence in our police is at its lowest historically
But the IGP got his tenure extended easily
He must be thinking everything's hunky-dory.

He has also been busy launching economic regions lately
Trying to attract foreign investments into the country
Sadly, some are saying that the northern development is benefiting a crony
While others argue the southern one will end up as LKY's colony.

You see, I can go on and on about this indefinitely
Because it is easy and I do not need to create any of them individually
They are all plucked from the web where the stories about him is a plenty
From promoting judges unfairly to always being sleepy.

Actually, I am just an ordinary Malaysian who cares about her country
And I have to state that I am not against him or his policy
For I do not care who is the Perdana Menteri
As long as the person is capable and thrustworthy.

Source: Mr Clean Poem

[當今大馬] 聽真話的誠信——和首相阿都拉對話

■ 『當今專欄』特約評論 （2007年11月20日）

尊貴的首相拿督斯裡阿都拉：

聽真話的誓言，相信是我懂事以來所聽過最浮誇的真話。

還記得您在2003年11月9日為國大黨全國支部主席大會主持開幕時，要所有國陣成員黨領袖和黨員對您“講真話”，以讓您能夠掌握正確的訊息，對症下藥來解決人民所面對的各種問題。您也表示，所有國陣領袖都應該勇敢地聆聽和接受人們發表的真心話，並且以積極的態度，采取有效的行動來解決人民的問題。

這是您在剛出任我國第5任首相後，第一次發出要聽真話的強烈呼吁。這番話當時震耳欲聾。許多熱切期盼講真話、聽真話的馬來西亞同胞對您寄以期望，以為您那開闊的胸襟、開明的思維以及柔和的身段，能夠允許早已被割喉的公民社會發聲。人們以為，避忌不再是避忌，原本不能說的秘密，終於有打開天窗的一絲絲希望。

但是，2007年11月10日的一顆催淚彈，讓我頓悟，避忌終究還是避忌，不能說的秘密依然成迷。

Continue reading...

Festival of Rights 2007: As I Believe - Freedom of Expression

Festival of Rights 2007
‘As I Believe: Freedom of Expression through Art, Music, Culture and Conscience’

9 December 2007
Part I: 0730 SOGO Complex - Peoples’ Freedom Walk
Part II: 0900 Central Market - Festivities and Conversations
--------------------------------------------------------------

Human Rights Day is celebrated worldwide on 10 December every year. The Bar Council’s Human Rights Committee continues the celebration of the ‘Day’ by hosting the “Festival of Rights” once again.

The theme this year is “As I Believe: Freedom of Expression through Art, Music, Culture and Conscience” showcasing the indivisibility, interdependence and inter-relation of various rights in our daily lives.

The celebration will be in two parts:

(1) Part I starts at with the ‘Peoples’ Freedom Walk’ from the SOGO Complex through Dataran Merdeka to Central Market. We will congregate in front of the SOGO Complex at 0700. This Walk is open to everyone who is welcome to bring along banners highlighting human rights issues that they are concerned about.

(2) Part II will be held at the staging area of Central Market. Participants will be served refreshments while enjoying the festivities. Among others, a multi-religious panel will discuss conscience rights in the ‘Conversations’ segment titled “When Faith Meets Law”. We have invited key religious leaders from the major faiths (Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Taoism) to take part in this session where everyone is encouraged to express their views.

Further, we will be treated to performances by some of our ‘home-grown’ artists/activists such as Fahri Azzat, Noreen Ariff, Syamsuriatina Ishak, Lai Chee Hoe, Dipendra Harshad Rai, Dr Wan Zawawi, Amir Muhammad and bands, ‘Cassarrah’ and ‘The Wave’. There will also be surprise guest appearances!

To recap, the programme is as follows:

0700 Congregate in front of SOGO Complex
0730 Short briefing on the Peoples’ Freedom Walk
0800 Walk from SOGO to Central Market through Dataran Merdeka
0900 Welcome speech by Chair, Human Rights Committee
0910 Breakfast
0920 Poetry Reading
0935 Conversations: “When Faith Meets Law”
(colouring session for children commences)
1145 Cultural performance by the Orang Asli (Kumpulan Kebudayaan SPNS)
1215 “I wish that ……” session
1245 Stage performances by various artists/activists
1400 Closing speech by President, Bar Council

We hope that everyone will be able to join us and take part in this celebration. There will also be booths to cater for all ages at Central Market - the kids, the young and the old.

Please email rezib@malaysianbar.org.my by 23 November 2007 if you shall be participating in order that we may make the necessary arrangements.

If you have any queries, please do not hesitate to contact Mr. Rezib Mohamad, at 03-20316367 or rezib@malaysianbar.org.my.

Edmund Bon Tai Soon
Chairperson
Human Rights Committee

吉蘭丹的四個政府

※劉鎮東

馬來政治本來就不是鐵板一塊，來到吉蘭丹，更是多姿多彩、百花齊放。單從權力所在而言，丹州至少有四個「政府」，相互制衡和競爭。

2005年5月的某個早上，黃進發和我乘火車抵達哥打巴魯，來到州務大臣聶阿茲的辦公室進行學術訪問。進發研究大馬的選舉制度，我則研究伊斯蘭政治。

隨口問守衛大臣當天的活動，他答說「precouncil」會議，或曰「會前會」。所謂「會前會」，指國會或州議會正式會議之前，政黨領袖召集本黨籍議員私下進行非正式匯報。

我當時清楚丹州議會會議剛過，不可能是州議會會議，因此特別好奇。守衛說，是州行政議會的會前會。各州行政議會即州內閣，你可曾聽過聯邦內閣開會前，部長們先「pre-council」一番？

英國式民主內閣制，成員都是同黨籍議員，可以集體秘密議事、共同承擔責任，同黨人又何以需要會前會呢？

原來，丹州的政治結構實質權力分散在回教黨籍的州政府、國陣中央政府控制的聯邦機構、有實權的蘇丹（以及稱為Raja Perumpuan「女王」的蘇丹后），外加割據話望生一方的東姑拉沙裡手中。

三方人馬各懷鬼胎

州行政議會成員包括回教黨籍的行政議員（州部長）、蘇丹直接委任的州秘書及州財政，以及聯邦政府委任的州法律顧問。三方人馬儘管多年來都維持每兩周開會一次，但各懷鬼胎則在所難免。

回教黨為了避免政治考量遭到蘇丹委任的官員或聯邦政府委派的法律顧問破壞或「騎劫」或消息走漏，行政議員每回兩週一次的星期三行政議會會議前，星期二必先進行「會前會」內部磋商共識，然后在具有法律效應的行政議會裡正式通過。

對于其他各州統治者的「君主立憲」理解，並不適用于丹州蘇丹。當中有歷史因素，也多少有點以泰王的手段作為榜樣。

英國人以3種不同的制度統治馬來亞。海峽殖民地是英國「正式」的皇冠殖民地；以錫礦區為主、1896年成立的馬來聯邦（雪蘭莪、霹靂、森美蘭、彭亨）是英國官員涉足很深、行政機構統一的單位；1909年從暹羅手中拿來的北馬四州馬來屬邦(un-federated Malay states)（玻璃市、吉打、登嘉樓、吉蘭丹），只能算是英國的「保護邦」。

馬來亞獨立以后，前馬來聯邦和海峽殖民地的州屬的州民事服務單位，都與聯邦體系成為互相可以借調的趨同系統。但是，馬來屬邦除了玻璃市之外，其他州屬仍然保有各州本身獨立于中央的民事服務單位。

英國人統治期間，馬來屬邦的蘇丹因為英國人只以「顧問」身分輔政，加上這些州屬都在礦區以外、資源並不多、不屬英國的核心利益範疇，因此英國派外人員很少，主要仰賴當地馬來精英治理。馬來屬邦的王室在這樣的背景下，幾乎握有所有治權。

有將無兵的窘境

1959年進行的第一次全國普選，是各州蘇丹失去治權的開始。與王室關係密切的聯盟，在吉蘭丹和登嘉樓竟然落敗失去政權（登州回教黨于1961年因議員跳槽而失去政權）。其中，丹州的保皇派落敗給社會上唯一可以和名門望族抗衡的另一種社會精英—回教黨的地方宗教司。

王室儘管失去了州政府的表面權力，但丹州蘇丹與其他州屬的王室不同。丹州王室直至今日，仍然掌控州秘書以降的所有州民事服務人員的實質編製和任免權力。

從這一點來看，丹州除了歷史上受到暹羅/泰國文化的影響，連當代「君主立憲」蘇丹的權術策略，也似乎有著泰王駕御泰國軍方與民事服務的身影。丹州無論國陣還是回教黨的民選政府，這些年來，長期過著有將（行政議員）無兵（官僚體系）的窘境。

2001年回教黨挾著州議會裡絕大多數席次優勢，通過議案廢除蘇丹對法案的御准權，以及對官僚體系的控制，最終因蘇丹不御准法案而不了了之。

丹州蘇丹不是所有時候都與回教黨州政府對著干。1990年大選，當回教黨與東姑拉沙裡的46精神黨合作時，蘇丹公開支持反對黨，替換殿下當時不悅的國陣政府。

目前，丹州蘇丹未免聯邦政府勢力太強，加上不能接受巫統丹州主席安華慕沙，配合回教黨政府在各方面向蘇丹及蘇丹后示好，王室與州政府的關係進入和好期，有著暨聯合又鬥爭的意味。共同敵人是可以中央地方一線牽的聯邦政府。

除了蘇丹與州政府的兩股勢力，丹州有著沙巴、砂拉越以外最多的「聯邦機構」。這些機構與州政府的行政職權往往相互重疊，甚至比州政府有著更多的資源，代表聯邦國陣政府在丹州進行地方統戰工作。

另外，丹州有個非常有趣的現象，全州70余萬名選民，其中超過95%居住在48%的土地上，另外不到3萬名選民住在占該州超過半數土地的話望生國會議席。

話望生國會議員東姑拉沙裡是丹州蘇丹的王叔，自1962年從政，至今近50年，多次與首相職擦肩而過。

丹州王室在19世紀及20世紀初多次因為「二王」問題而發生內戰。所謂「二王」，即年幼的少主即位時委任王弟為儲君，但本身有了成家立室后，卻希望自己的王子當儲君。英國人介入丹州政治后，于1920年「協調」蘇丹與二王簽署協定，權歸蘇丹，錢歸二王，從此相安無事。拉沙裡的祖父就是那個有錢沒權的二王。

拉沙裡這個話望生國會議員，因為錢多，所以也像個割據一方的小政府。

丹州政治，是馬來政治的例外，卻也說明馬來政治不是鐵板一塊。箇中奧妙之處，實在很多。

（劉鎮東將于11月15日出版評論集《亮劍—踢爆馬來政治》，本文是該書收入的其中一篇未曾發表的新作。）

Malaysia is a virtual one-party state!

AP Interview: EU's outgoing ambassador says Malaysia is a virtual one-party state

The Associated Press
Published: November 14, 2007

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: The European Union's outgoing ambassador has soundly criticized Malaysia, describing it as a virtual one-party state that discriminates against minorities and foreign investors by openly favoring the majority Malay Muslims.

Law Minister Nazri Aziz dismissed the accusations by Ambassador Thierry Rommel, who left his post Tuesday after 4 1/2 years, saying he is an outsider who does not understand the country. "I treat his opinion as uninformed and ignorant," said Nazri.

Rommel's blunt message — in a recent interview with The Associated Press — comes as Malaysia and the 27-nation European Union are getting ready to start negotiations next year for a free trade agreement. Rommel's advice will heavily influence policy makers in the EU, which is seeking a broad relationship with Malaysia that includes democratic governance, rule of law, human rights, civil freedoms and fair trade.

In the interview, Rommel said the multiracial Malaysia, which takes pride in its ethnic harmony, is becoming polarized due to the Islamization of the society. He said Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has allowed ethnic tensions to increase in the last four years he has been in office.

"There is a situation of increasing inequality in Malaysia," Rommel said. "Non-Muslims feel increasingly marginalized and (feel) their constitutional rights (are) jeopardized."

Rommel, whose outspokenness has irked the Malaysian government in the past, gave the interview on the condition that it would be released after his departure from the country to avoid further diplomatic trouble.

Rommel was especially critical of a 37-year-old affirmative action program for Malays, who form about 60 percent of Malaysia's 26 million people. The Chinese are 25 percent and Indians 10 percent.

The affirmative action program, known as the New Economic Policy, provides privileges to Malays in jobs, education, business and other areas. It is also used to enforce mandatory Malay equity in companies and in awarding government contracts. Foreign investors have long complained that this amounts to protectionism.

"This is definitely a policy that is discriminatory, that is projectionist and which hinders fair competition and a level playing field," Rommel said, adding that foreign investors are also reluctant to come to Malaysia because the rule of law is not of international standards.

"You don't know as a foreigner, or a Malaysian citizen, where you exactly stand in terms of your rights," he said.

He warned that the NEP could jeopardize the proposed free trade agreement that both sides were hoping to conclude by 2009.

Rommel's comments echo that of Malaysia's weak opposition parties, who say that the NEP has become a vehicle of patronage for Prime Minister Abdullah's United Malays National Organization party.

The UMNO is the dominant force in the ruling National Front coalition, which also comprises smaller Chinese and Indian parties. Critics feel the UMNO will never dismantle the NEP because it would lose its power base.

"The country is not run by three political parties, it is run by one party - UMNO," said Rommel. The Chinese and Indian parties in the coalition "have no real authority and I think, no genuine input in decision making. UMNO runs this country like its own backyard. This is a one-party state," he said.

Rommel also said that in Malaysia the executive is "all-powerful and not accountable" while the judiciary remains beholden to the executive because the appointments are directly made by the prime minister.

"The parliament (is) useless. No fair elections, no freedoms. Police is unaccountable. Internal checks and balances? Forget it. So where do you find characteristics that (represent) democracy?"

Nazri, the law minister, defended the NEP, saying it has helped Malays rise from abject poverty in the last 30 years.

"Without the NEP, it will go back to square one. It will come back to a situation where Malays will be left behind again. This is a social contract for Malaysians to decide, not for foreigners to interfere," he told the AP on Tuesday.

"I don't think foreigners are concerned about this because whenever there is opportunity to make money, they will come," he said.

Nazri also dismissed complaints that Malaysia is becoming more Islamic. Critics have pointed at a string of recent court cases over religion, in which verdicts have generally favored Muslims. Many Indians, who are Hindus, have also complained that their temples have been torn down without warning.

"If Malays have become more passionate with religion, it is not necessarily a bad thing," Nazri said.

[龍虎三十] 亮劍

『東麟西爪』
■劉鎮東

《亮劍—踢爆馬來政治》收集我近五年的部分評論文章，並以理解馬來政治為主軸。

討論馬來政治，不能跳過馬哈迪這號人物。然而，強人固然身影巨大，但馬哈迪畢竟也是凡人一名，有著人格特質的主觀能動性，但也有著社會、時代的制約。

馬哈迪在更多時候，活在自己的影子裡，很努力地要國人隨著他年少裡積累的怨氣和荒唐夢起舞。從獨立時他與首相東姑針對國歌的選擇而鬧翻，到間接結束兩名前首相的政治生命，到公開挑戰親自欽點的繼承人阿都拉，「老馬」的故事仍未結束。

《亮劍》對于他的個人生活事例著墨什多，主要是呼應我學術上的榜樣、好友和在坎培拉時的房東，韓籍學者黃仁元(Hwang Inwon)所謂馬哈迪「個人化政治」(personalizedpolitics)的說法。

狂飆的年代，並沒有隨著馬哈迪的離去而終結。邱武德所謂的一黨獨大、一人獨大的「馬哈迪主義」政治來到阿都拉時代，反而把馬哈迪變成政府的最嚴厲批判者。

阿都拉從上台時與馬哈迪進行區隔，嘗試走中間路線、剽竊烈火莫息的改革議程、爭取游離票，到2005年中起面對馬哈迪的連番攻勢而全面大轉彎，以「固本」為主軸，鞏固巫統黨內及馬來鄉區的票源。

阿都拉上台時那股清新的希望，記憶猶新。當時，很多人相信，馬來西亞會向上提升、再攀高峰。如今當然是希望越大、失望越大。也許，有那么一天，我們還是可以找回那陣春風，但也學會不必相信一個新首相可以在換湯不換藥的情況下推動革新。也許，有那么一天，我們積累足夠的改革力量，告別一黨獨大下的無奈。也許，這一天，不一定太久遠。

阿都拉政府「固本」的策略，看似抄襲自布什的前政治顧問羅夫(Karl Rove)放棄「爭取中間/游離票」的傳統選舉策略，轉向強化、擴大共和黨保守派基本盤的動員模式。

代價是，華人作為馬來政治的「他者」，成為最方便的箭靶。馬哈迪政府自1991年宣佈2020年宏願以來的15年，除了訴求事件、宏願學校、廣東義山迫遷，似乎就沒有太多的風波。自2005年中以來，短短兩年內的族群關係氛圍，卻是「高潮迭起」。從亮劍到黃明志，從馬華「逃離政治」到毀豬的現形記，強權之下的華人政治，苦悶之余，務必要尋找跨越族群邏輯的未來。

出版這本評論集，我的初衷是，希望通過理解馬來人政治的複雜與多元，好讓我們坦誠地面對歷史、穩健地走向未來。

（劉鎮東將于11月15日出版第1本評論集《亮劍—踢爆馬來政治》，本文為作者自序的部分文字。）